Download Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military by Peter D. Feaver PDF
By Peter D. Feaver
How do civilians keep an eye on the army? within the wake of September eleven, the renewed presence of nationwide protection in daily life has made this question all of the extra urgent. during this e-book, Peter Feaver proposes an formidable new thought that treats civil-military kinfolk as a principal-agent courting, with the civilian government tracking the activities of army brokers, the ''armed servants'' of the geographical region. army obedience isn't computerized yet relies on strategic calculations of no matter if civilians will capture and punish misbehavior.
This version demanding situations Samuel Huntington's professionalism-based version of civil-military relatives, and gives an leading edge method of creating feel of the U.S. chilly struggle and post-Cold struggle experience--especially the distinctively stormy civil-military kinfolk of the Clinton period. within the decade after the chilly warfare ended, civilians and the army had a number of run-ins over even if and the way to exploit army strength. those episodes, as interpreted via organisation conception, contradict the traditional knowledge that civil-military family members subject provided that there's threat of a coup. to the contrary, army professionalism doesn't on its own be certain unchallenged civilian authority. As Feaver argues, supplier concept deals the simplest beginning for puzzling over kin among army and civilian leaders, now and sooner or later.
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Extra resources for Armed Servants: Agency, Oversight, and Civil-Military Relations
Finally, Mayer documented a swing in the liberal direction between 1981 and 1988, a time when, by output measures at least, the United States almost certainly met Huntington’s “requisite security” threshold (Mayer 1992, pp. 111–134). Stimson traced a slightly different pattern in how liberal the public “mood” was over time. Relying more heavily on economic indicators of liberalism, speciﬁcally the role of government in the economy, Stimson identiﬁed ﬁve political eras: rising liberalism from 1956 to 1963, a dramatic swing to conservatism from 1963 to 1966, an equally dramatic swing back toward 28 Armed Servants liberalism from 1966 to 1972, a long and decisive move toward a conservative peak in 1980, and from 1980 to 1989 (when Stimson’s data end), a steady trend toward liberalism (Stimson 1991, pp.
More systematic data, however, support the opposite conclusion: that the public generally held the military in high regard, even throughout the Vietnam War. Based on public opinion polls from 1964 to 1976, Segal and Blair found that respect for the military remained very high (between 70 and 75 on a 1–100 scale) throughout, including into the mid-1970s. At the same time, conﬁdence in the people “in charge of the military” declined, along with a general decline in conﬁdence in the leadership of other societal institutions, but even here conﬁdence remained higher for the military than for other institutions (Segal and Blair 1976–77, pp.
Relying more heavily on economic indicators of liberalism, speciﬁcally the role of government in the economy, Stimson identiﬁed ﬁve political eras: rising liberalism from 1956 to 1963, a dramatic swing to conservatism from 1963 to 1966, an equally dramatic swing back toward 28 Armed Servants liberalism from 1966 to 1972, a long and decisive move toward a conservative peak in 1980, and from 1980 to 1989 (when Stimson’s data end), a steady trend toward liberalism (Stimson 1991, pp. 62–65). Mayer’s coding ﬁts somewhat better Huntington’s 1977 reconsideration of his theory, and perhaps the poor match with Stimson’s data derives in part from Stimson’s narrow deﬁnition of liberalism in New Deal terms.