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By Edward C. Banfield

Ebook by means of Banfield, Edward C.

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Their relations-on influence rests upon an elaborate whom they know rather than what network of personal they lmow. They are particularly active in organizations that are designed especially for 14 Robert K. Merton Patterns of Influence: Locals and Cosmopolitans " in , 1957), Social Theory and Social Structure rev. ed. : Free Press pp. 390-4~0. esp. p. 400. Reprinted in part in Banfield (ed. - C~, C"' , Urban Government ~~:- . 57 making contacts " such as the Elks and the Rotary. The cosmopolitan by contrast , has usually come to the city from another place.

When will be charged with interfering in the affairs of the city. :All this suggests that the nature of state- local relations cannot be nesota , where a handful of Hennepin County (Minneapolis) legislat~rs council of Minneapolis. Frequently, the hinterland is blamed for the failure of tation in state leg; TABLE 5. Relative value of the right to vote for represen islatures for selected central cities and suburban counties , 1930 to 1960 Relative values Central city and suburban counties New York City Nassau County Rockland County Suffolk County Westchester County Philadelphia Bucks County Chester County Delaware County Montgomery County Boston Essex County Middlesex County Norfolk County Plymouth County St.

Wo tions. Obviously, circumstances which affect the supply of the polItICal types of influential will have important long-run effects on the ethos and institution of the city. If , for example , suburbanization drains ~ive grow cosmopolitans from the central city or , again , if the explo of a city prevents the production of locals (Los Angeles IS a case m point), the attachment of the city s influentials to it , and therefore the character of its politics , may be altogether changed. LEARNING " A CITY S POLITICAL CULTURE The attachment people have to a city is in great part based on a set of common expectations about how others will behave in civic ~n~ political affairs.

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