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Download Driving Democracy: Do Power-Sharing Institutions Work? by Pippa Norris PDF

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By Pippa Norris

Proposals for power-sharing constitutions stay arguable, as highlighted through present debates in Iraq, Afghanistan, Nepal, and Sudan. This ebook updates and refines the idea of consociationalism, taking account of the flood of latest techniques in power-sharing associations that experience happened world wide. The e-book classifies and compares 4 varieties of political associations: the electoral method, parliamentary or presidential executives, unitary or federal states, and the constitution and independence of the mass media. The research checks the aptitude merits and drawbacks of every of those associations for democratic governance. Cross-national time-series facts pertaining to tendencies in democracy are analyzed for all nations around the world because the early Nineteen Seventies. Chapters are enriched by way of evaluating unique case reports. The mixed-method learn layout illuminates the underlying causal mechanisms through interpreting old advancements and methods of institutional switch inside specific countries and areas. the belief attracts jointly the consequences and the sensible classes for policymakers.

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Extra resources for Driving Democracy: Do Power-Sharing Institutions Work?

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Under majoritarian rules, without any guarantees of a regular swing of the electoral pendulum between government and opposition parties, losing factions face (at best) certain limits to their power, potential threats to their security, and (at worst), possible risks to their existence. For all these reasons, Lijphart argues that the only realistic type of settlement capable of attracting agreement among all factions in postconflict divided societies are power-sharing regimes which avoid the dangers of winner-take-all outcomes.

79 Nevertheless in the longer term power-sharing institutions may also produce certain undesirable consequences for good governance, including the potential dangers of policy-stalemate, immobility, and deadlock between the executive and legislature; the lack of an effective opposition holding the government to account and providing voters with a clear-cut electoral choice; a loss of transparency in government decision-making; and the fragmentation of party competition in the legislature, while federalism is accompanied by the dangers of secession.

Neither serves a vital strategic role, whether for external military bases or foreign investors, or as trading partners with major industrialized nation-states. As regional powers, in multilateral organizations, both are clearly outweighed by Nigeria and Ghana. Benin and Togo could therefore differ today because of the distribution of support from the international community. In particular, lack of democratic reforms has halted aid flows to Togo from the European Union and the United States. By contrast, with a more favorable human rights record, Benin receives about six times the total official development assistance from the international community.

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